Sounding the alarm

Re: "The roadway to enabling governance", (Opinion, April 30).

Political scientist/columnist Peerasit Kamnuansilpa certainly sounds the bell on Thailand's propensity for "symbolic politics" by foregrounding his position on moral politics through mindfulness in voters to understand their privilege in local politics.

Effective works of governance and administration require a two-way street-communication, coordination and syncing of wills and visions in the future of people's weal and wealth. Looking ahead, we must hope for the best to turn out in the upcoming May 11 elections.

Glen Chatelier
Stirring the pot

Re: "Top court to probe Thaksin case", (BP, May 1) & "InQuote: "Decision is good sign nevertheless", (InQuote, May 1).

The petitioner, former Democrat MP Charnchai Issarasenarak, deserves credit for bringing this possible malfeasance to the attention of the court, although the court threw away his petition as he was not an aggrieved party.

Mr Charnchai's petition nonetheless spurred the judiciary to challenge the executive branch for possible lapses in law enforcement. If there is such a lapse, that famous Section 157 of the Criminal Code, which has put few officials behind bars, could apply.

One can expect a far-reaching investigation into the manner of Thaksin's "imprisonment" upon his return to Thailand on Aug 22, 2023, when he was promptly taken into custody, only to be paroled and pardoned in 2024.

Mr Charnchai's petition may have failed, but he managed to stir up the hornet's nest. Many officials and experts involved in Thaksin's case must be wondering what will happen next.

Songdej Praditsmanont
Time to fight back

Re: "Moody's cuts outlook for banks", (BP, May 2).

The US regularly employs a multi-faceted approach to assert its influence over Thailand, utilising economic pressures, diplomatic manoeuvres, and control over global narratives to maintain leverage.

This approach, also used worldwide, begins with soft power and can escalate to direct military action. The current coercive activities are positioned about halfway up the intensity scale.

The recent action by Moody's to lower Thailand's rating seems, on the surface, to be an independent private company action, but offshore actions involving US national interests are actually planned and coordinated in Washington.

History has shown us the US military has intervened in private US company businesses --gunboat diplomacy, for example -- and private company technology, such as social media platforms, has been weaponised to further US government interests, as seen in the recent Hong Kong protests.

Rather than merely protesting Moody's unfounded assessment, Thailand should actively defend its national interests by taking decisive action against misinformation. Lee Kuan Yew's approach to managing foreign narratives of Singapore in 1971 serves as a strong precedent and example against misinformation, groundless reporting, and biased conclusions.

Like Lee, we can counter Moody's move with libel lawsuits, public refutations to counter misleading claims, or even banning the local operation of Moody's. Thailand can operate without Moody's, but the agency cannot sell world edition subscriptions without access to Thai government reports and statistics, and local business information. By enforcing accountability, Thailand can strengthen its global position while setting clear boundaries against economic coercion.

M.L. Saksiri Kridakorn

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